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Civil Liberties After 9 - 11
Professional Responsibility, congressional investigators, a gaggle of liberal and conservative civil liberties groups, and the news mediahave become extremely potent. Since 9/11, the criminal law has expanded, ensnaring as terrorists people who have done no more than provide humanitarian aid to needy families, while privacy and political freedoms have contracted, especially for those in Muslim communities, he said. Also, while the fiercest debates about privacy and security after 9/11 have concerned the governments collection of personal information, a future president and Congress will need to wrestle more seriously with questions about the governments authority to compile and use information that has already been. In the post 9/11 years, the Bush and Obama administrations and Congress have argued, with success, that actions taken under the Patriot Act are legal, under the constitutional powers granted to the executive and legislative branches. Moreover, curbing the governments power to collect information through wiretapping is not the only way to protect against misuse of the information. And as Rowley testified, In order to give timely advice about what an agent can legally do, youve got to run to a computer and pull it up, and I think that many people have kind of forgotten that case, and many courts have actually. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit.
By historic standards, the domestic legal response to 9/11 gave ris e to civil liberties tremors, not earthquakes.
And even those changes were.
Counterterrorism and surrounding civil liberties issues are unlikel y to stray far from currently policy no matter who is in the White House in 2013.
A full-page newspaper ad by the American Civil Liberties Union (aclu for instanc e, informs us that the Patriot Act, the administration s major security initiative.
As Americans reflect on the 13th anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the.
It was necessary to give up some civil liberties to curb terrorism.
To curb such abuses, the Supreme Court, Congress, and the Ford and Carter administrations placed tight limits on law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Nor would it have had a solid legal basis for detaining any of the 19 September 11 hijackers if it had suspected them of links to al-Qaida before they struck. Those facts are not a perfect parallel for most terrorism investigations, because of the immediate nature of the danger (an accomplice might pick up the gun) and the spontaneity of the officers question. As Americans reflect on the 13th anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the debate continues about the proper balance of privacy rights and security concerns needed in an asymmetrical world. In any event, even if the FBI had done everything right, it was and is at least debatable whether its information about Moussaoui was enough to support a fisa warrant. In some respects, that effort has moved backwards, in that although the number of detainees there has gone down, there are now more legislative restrictions on transferring detainees and more strident opposition to bringing captured terrorism suspects into the United States for prosecution. The term asymmetrical wasnt used a lot before September 11, 2001, when the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington,.C. Worse, the administration treated many shakespeares Theater (if not most) of the detainees shabbily and some abusively. Nineteen years ago, in, the Rise of the Computer State, David Burnham wrote: The question looms before us: Can the United States continue to flourish and grow in an age when the physical movements, individual purchases, conversations and meetings of every citizen are constantly under. The question is not whether we should increase governmental power to meet such dangers.